Al-Serat, Vol XII (1986)
I still remember the deep impression which the first Persian poem I
ever read in connection with the tragic events of Karbala’ left on
me. It was Qaani’s elegy which begins with the words:
What is raining? Blood.
Who? The eyes.
How? Day and night.
Why? From grief.
Grief for whom?
Grief for the king of Karbala’
This poem, in its marvellous style of question and answer, conveys
much of the dramatic events and of the feelings a pious Muslim
experiences when thinking of the martyrdom of the Prophet’s beloved
grandson at the hands of the Umayyad troops.
The theme of suffering and martyrdom occupies a central role in the
history of religion from the earliest time. Already, in the myths of
the ancient Near East, we hear of the hero who is slain but whose
death, then, guarantees the revival of life: the names of Attis and
Osiris from the Babylonian and Egyptian traditions respectively are
the best examples for the insight of ancient people that without
death there can be no continuation of life, and that the blood shed
for a sacred cause is more precious than anything else. Sacrifices
are a means for reaching higher and loftier stages of life; to give
away parts of one’s fortune, or to sacrifice members of one’s family
enhances one’s religious standing; the Biblical and Qur’anic story of
Abraham who so deeply trusted in God that he, without questioning,
was willing to sacrifice his only son, points to the importance of
such sacrifice. Iqbal was certainly right when he combined, in a well
known poem in Bal-i Jibril (1936), the sacrifice of Ismail and the
martyrdom of Husayn, both of which make up the beginning and the end
of the story of the Ka’ba.
Taking into account the importance of sacrifice and suffering for the
development of man, it is not surprising that Islamic history has
given a central place to the death on the battlefield of the
Prophet’s beloved grandson Husayn, and has often combined with that
event the death by poison of his elder brother Hasan. In popular
literature we frequently find both Hasan and Husayn represented as
participating in the battle of Karbala’, which is historically wrong,
but psychologically correct.
It is not the place here to discuss the development of the whole
genre of marthiya and taziya poetry in the Persian and Indo-Persian
world, or in the popular Turkish tradition. But it is interesting to
cast a glance at some verses in the Eastern Islamic tradition which
express predominantly the Sunni poets’ concern with the fate of
Husayn, and echo, at the same time, the tendency of the Sufis to see
in him a model of the suffering which is so central for the growth of
The name of Husayn appears several times in the work of the first
great Sufi poet of Iran, Sana’i (d. 1131). Here, the name of the
martyred hero can be found now and then in connection with bravery
and selflessness, and Sana’i sees him as the prototype of the shahid,
higher and more important than all the other shahids who are and have
been in the world:
Your religion is your Husayn, greed and wish are your pigs and dogs
You kill the one, thirsty, and nourish the other two. [Divan, p. 655]
This means that man has sunk to such a lowly state that he thinks
only of his selfish purposes and wishes and does everything to fondle
the material aspects of his life, while his religion, the spiritual
side of his life, is left without nourishment, withering away, just
like Husayn and the martyrs of Karbala’ were killed after nobody had
cared to give them water in the desert. This powerful idea is echoed
in other verses, both in the Divan and in the Hadiqat al-Haqiqa; but
one has to be careful in one’s assessment of the long praise of
Husayn and the description of Karbala’ as found in the Hadiqa, as
they are apparently absent from the oldest manuscripts of the work,
and may have been inserted at some later point. This, however, does
not concern us here. For the name of the hero, Husayn, is found in
one of the central poems of Sana’is Divan, in which the poet
describes in grand images the development of man and the long periods
of suffering which are required for the growth of everything that
aspires to perfection. It is here that he sees in the ‘street of
religion’ those martyrs who were dead and are alive, those killed by
the sword like Husayn, those murdered by poison like Hasan (Divan
The tendency to see Husayn as the model of martyrdom and bravery
continues, of course, in the poetry written after Sana’i by Persian
and Turkish mystics, and of special interest is one line in the Divan
of ‘Attar (nr. 376) in which he calls the novice on the path to
proceed and go towards the goal, addressing him:
Be either a Husayn or a Mansur.
That is, Husayn b. Mansur al-Hallaj, the arch-martyr of mystical
Islam, who was cruelly executed in Baghdad in 922. He, like his
namesake Husayn b. ‘Ali, becomes a model for the Sufi; he is the
suffering lover, and in quite a number of Sufi poems his name appears
alongside that of Husayn: both were enamoured by God, both sacrificed
themselves on the Path of divine love, both are therefore the ideal
lovers of God whom the pious should strive to emulate. Ghalib
skillfully alludes to this combination in his tawhid qasida:
God has kept the ecstatic lovers like Husayn and Mansur in the place
of gallows and rope, and cast the fighters for the faith, like Husayn
and ‘Ali, in the place of swords and spears: in being martyrs they
find eternal life and happiness and become witnesses to God’s
This tradition is particularly strong in the Turkish world, where the
names of both Husayns occur often in Sufi songs.
Turkish tradition, especially in the later Bektashi order, is deeply
indebted to Shi’i Islam; but it seems that already in some of the
earliest popular Sufi songs in Turkey, those composed by Yunus Emre
in the late 13th or early 14th century, the Prophet’s grandsons
played a special role. They are described, in a lovely song by Yunus,
as the ‘fountain head of the martyrs’, the ‘tears of the saints’, and
the ‘lambs of mother Fatima’. Both of them, as the ‘kings of the
eight paradises’, are seen as the helpers who stand at Kawthar and
distribute water to the thirsting people, a beautiful inversion of
Husayn suffering in the waterless desert of Karbala’. (Yunus Emre
Divani, p. 569.)
The well known legend according to which the Prophet saw Gabriel
bring a red and a green garment for his two grandsons, and was
informed that these garments pointed to their future deaths through
the sword and poison respectively, is mentioned in early Turkish
songs, as it also forms a central piece of the popular Sindhi
manaqiba which are still sung in the Indus Valley. And similar in
both traditions are the stories of how the boys climbed on their
grandfather Prophet’s back, and how he fondled them. Thus, Hasan and
Husayn appear, in early Turkish songs, in various, and generally well
known images, but to emphasize their very special role, Yunus Emre
calls them ‘the two earrings of the divine Throne’. (Divan, p. 569)
The imagery becomes even more colourful in the following centuries
when the Shi’i character of the Bektashi order increased and made
itself felt in ritual and poetical _expression. Husayn b. ‘Ali is ‘the
secret of God’, the ‘light of the eyes of Mustafa’ (thus Seher Abdal,
16th cent.), and his contemporary, Hayreti, calls him, in a beautiful
marthiya, ‘the sacrifice of the festival of the greater jihad’. Has
not his neck, which the Prophet used to kiss, become the place where
the dagger fell?
The inhabitants of heaven and earth shed black tears today.
And have become confused like your hair, O Husayn.
Dawn sheds its blood out of sadness for Husayn, and the red tulips
wallow in blood and carry the brandmarks of his grief on their
hearts … (Ergun, Bektasi sairleri, p. 95).
The Turkish tradition and that in the regional languages of the
Indian subcontinent are very similar. Let us have a look at the
development of the marthiya, not in the major literary languages, but
rather in the more remote parts of the subcontinent, for the
development of the Urdu marthiya from its beginnings in the late 16th
century to its culmination in the works of Sauda and particularly
Anis and Dabir is well known. In the province of Sind, which had a
considerable percentage of Shi’i inhabitants, Persian marthiyas were
composed, as far as we can see, from around 1700 onwards. A
certain’Allama (1682-1782), and Muhammad Mu’in T’haro are among the
first marthiya-gus mentioned by the historians, but it is
particularly Muhammad Muhsin, who lived in the old, glorious capital
of lower Sind, Thatta, with whose name the Persian marthiya in Sind
is connected. During his short life (1709-1750), he composed a great
number of tarji’band and particularly salam, in which beautiful,
strong imagery can be perceived:
The boat of Mustafa’s family has been drowned in blood;
The black cloud of infidelity has waylaid the sun;
The candle of the Prophet was extinguished by the breeze of the
But much more interesting than the Persian tradition is the
development of the marthiya in Sindhi and Siraiki proper. As
Christopher Shackle has devoted a long and very informative article
on the Multani marthiya, I will speak here only on some aspects of
the marthiya in Sindhi. As in many other fields of Sindhi poetry,
Shah ‘Abdu’l-Latif of Bhit (1689-1752) is the first to express ideas
which were later taken up by other poets. He devoted Sur Kedaro in
his Hindi Risalo to the martyrdom of the grandson of the Prophet, and
saw the event of Karbala’ as embedded in the whole mystical tradition
of Islam. As is his custom, he begins in media res, bringing his
listeners to the moment when no news was heard from the heroes:
The moon of Muharram was seen, anxiety about the princes occurred.
What has happened?
Muharram has come back, but the Imams have not come.
O princes of Medina, may the Lord bring us together
He meditates about the reason for their silence and senses the
The Mirs have gone out from Medina, they have not come back.
But then he realizes that there is basically no reason for sadness or
The hardship of martyrdom, listen, is the day of joy.
Yazid has not got an atom of this love.
Death is rain for the children of ‘Ali.
For rain is seen by the Oriental poets in general, and by Shah ‘Abdul
Latif in particular, as the sign of divine mercy, of rahmat, and in a
country that is so much dependant on rain, this imagery acquires its
The hardship of martyrdom is all joyful rainy season.
Yazid has not got the traces of this love.
The decision to be killed was with the Imams from the very beginning.
This means that, already in pre-eternity, Hasan and Husayn had
decided to sacrifice their lives for their ideals: when answering the
divine address Am I not you Lord? (7:171), they answered ‘Bala’
(=Yes)’, and took upon themselves all the affliction (bala) which was
to come upon them. Their intention to become a model for those who
gain eternal life by suffering and sacrifice was made, as Shah’Abdu’I-
Latif reminds his listeners, at the very day of the primordial
covenant. Then, in the following chapter, our Sindhi poet goes into
more concrete details.
The perfect ones, the lion-like sayyids, have come to Karbala’;
Having cut with Egyptian swords, they made heaps of carcasses;
Heroes became confused, seeing Mir Husayn’s attack.
But he soon turns to the eternal meaning of this battle and continues
in good Sufi spirit:
The hardship of martyrdom is all coquetry (naz).
The intoxicated understand the secret of the case of Karbala’.
In having his beloved suffer, the divine Beloved seems to show his
coquetry, trying and examining their faith and love, and thus even
the most cruel manifestations of the battle in which the ‘youthful
heroes’, as Shah Latif calls them, are enmeshed, are signs of divine
The earth trembles, shakes; the skies are in uproar;
This is not a war, this is the manifestation of Love.
The poet knows that affliction is a special gift for the friends of
God, Those who are afflicted most are the prophets, then the saints,
then the others in degrees’, and so he continues:
The Friend kills the darlings, the lovers are slain,
For the elect friends He prepares difficulties.
God, the Eternal, without need what He wants, He does.
Shah ‘Abdu’l-Latif devotes two chapters to the actual battle, and to
Hurr’s joining the fighters ‘like a moth joins the candle’, e.g.,
ready to immolate himself in the battle. But towards the end of the
poem the mystical aspect becomes once more prominent; those
who ‘fight in the way of God’ reach Paradise, and the houris bind
rose chains for them, as befits true bridegrooms. But even more:
Paradise is their place, overpowering they have gone to Paradise,
They have become annihilated in God, with Him they have become He …
The heroes, who have never thought of themselves, but only of love of
God which makes them face all difficulties, have finally reached the
goal: the fana fi Allah, annihilation in God and remaining in Him.
Shah ‘Abdu’l-Latif has transformed the life of the Imams, and of the
Imam Husayn in particular, into a model for all those Sufis who
strive, either in the jihad-i asghar or in the jihad-i akbar, to
reach the final annihilation in God, the union which the Sufis so
often express in the imagery of love and loving union. And it is
certainly no accident that our Sindhi poet has applied the tune
Husayni, which was originally meant for the dirges for Husayn, to the
story of his favourite heroine, Sassui, who annihilated herself in
her constant, brave search for her beloved, and is finally
transformed into him.
Shah’Abdu’l-Latif’s interpretation of the fate of the Imam Husayn as
a model of suffering love, and thus as a model of the mystical path,
is a deeply impressive piece of literature. It was never surpassed,
although in his succession a number of poets among the Shi’i of Sindh
composed elegies on Karbala’ . The most famous of them is Thabit ‘Ali
Shah (1740-1810), whose speciality was the genre of suwari, the poem
addressed to the rider Husayn, who once had ridden on the Prophet’s
back, and then was riding bravely into the battlefield. This genre,
as well as the more common forms, persists in Sindhi throughout the
whole of the 18th and 19th centuries, and even into our own times
(Sachal Sarmast, Bedil Rohriwaro, Mir Hasan, Shah Naser, Mirza
Baddhal Beg, Mirza Qalich Beg, to mention only a few, some of whom
were Sunni Sufis). The suwari theme was lovingly elaborated by Sangi,
that is the Talpur prince ‘Abdu’l-Husayn, to whom Sindhi owes some
very fine and touching songs in honour of the prince of martyrs, and
who strongly emphasizes the mystical aspects of the event of
Karbala’, Husayn is here put in relation with the Prophet.
The Prince has made his miraj on the ground of Karbala’,
The Shah’s horse has gained the rank of Buraq.
Death brings the Imam Husayn, who was riding his Dhu’l janah, into
the divine presence as much as the winged Buraq brought the Prophet
into the immediate divine presence during his night journey and
ascent into heaven.
Sangi knows also, as ever so many Shi’i authors before him, that
weeping for the sake of the Imam Husayn will be recompensed by
laughing in the next world, and that the true meditation of the
secret of sacrifice in love can lead the seeker to the divine
presence, where, finally, as he says
Duality becomes distant, and then one reaches unity.
The theme of Husayn as the mystical model for all those who want to
pursue the path of love looms large in the poetry of the Indus Valley
and in the popular poetry of the Indian Muslims, whose thought was
permeated by the teaching of the Suf’is, and for whom, as for the
Turkish Suf’is and for ‘Attar (and innumerable others), the suffering
of the Imam Husayn, and that of Hasan b. Mansur, formed a paradigm of
the mystic’s life. But there was also another way to understand the
role of Husayn in the history of the Islamic people, and importantly,
the way was shown by Muham-mad Iqbal, who was certainly a Sunni poet
and philosopher. We mentioned at the beginning that it was he who saw
the history of the Ka’ba defined by the two sacrifices, that of
Ismail at the beginning, and that of Husayn b. ‘Ali in the end (Bal-i
Jibril, p. 92). But almost two decades before he wrote those lines,
he had devoted a long chapter to Husayn in his Rumuz-i bekhudi (p.
126ff). Here, Husayn is praised, again in the mystical vocabulary, as
the imam of the lovers, the son of the virgin, the cypresso of
freedom in the Prophet’s garden. While his father, Hazrat ‘Ali, was,
in mystical interpretation, the b of the bismi’llah, the son became
identified with the ‘mighty slaughtering’, a beautiful mixture of the
mystical and Qur’anic interpretations. But Iqbal, like his
predecessors, would also allude to the fact that Husayn, the prince
of the best nation, used the back of the last prophet as his riding
camel, and most beautiful is Iqbal’s description of the jealous love
that became honoured through his blood, which, through its imagery,
again goes back to the account of the martyrdom of Husayn b. Mansur
al-Hallaj, who rubbed the bleeding stumps of his hands over his
blackened face in order to remain surkh ru, red-faced and honoured,
in spite of his suffering.
For Iqbal, the position of Husayn in the Muslim community is as
central as the position of the surat al-ikhlas in the Holy Book.
Then he turns to his favourite topic, the constant tension between
the positive and negative forces, between the prophet and saint on
the one hand, and the oppressor and unbeliever on the other. Husayn
and Yazid stand in the same line as Moses and Pharaoh. Iqbal then
goes on to show how the khilafat was separated from the Qur’anic
injunctions and became a worldly kingdom with the appearance of the
Umayyads, and it was here that Husayn appeared like a raincloud,
again the image of the blessing rain which always contrasts so
impressively with the thirst and dryness of the actual scene of
Karbala’. It was Husayn’s blood that rained upon the desert of
Karbala’ and left the red tulips there.
The connection between the tulips in their red garments and the
bloodstained garments of the martyrs has been a favourite image of
Persian poetry since at least the 15th century, and when one thinks
of the central place which the tulip occupies in Iqbal’s thought and
poetry as the flower of the manifestation of the divine fire, as the
symbol of the Burning Bush on Mount Sinai, and as the flower that
symbolizes the independent growth of man’s khudi (=self) under the
most difficult circumstances, when one takes all these aspects of the
tulip together, one understands why the poet has the Imam
Husayn ‘plant tulips in the desert of Karbala”. Perhaps the
similarity of the sound of la ilah and lala (=tulip), as well as the
fact that lala has the same numerical value as the word Allah, e.g.,
66, may have enhanced Iqbal’s use of the image in connection with the
Imam Husayn, whose blood ‘created the meadow’, and who constructed a
building of ‘there is no deity but God.’
But whereas earlier mystical poets used to emphasize the person of
Husayn as model for the mystic who through self-sacrifice, finally
reaches union with God, Iqbal, understandably, stresses another
point: ‘To lift the sword is the work of those who fight for the
glory of religion, and to preserve the God-given order.’ ‘Husayn
blood, as it were, wrote the commentary on these words, and thus
awakened a sleeping nation.’
Again, the parallel with Husayn b. Mansur is evident (at least with
Husayn b. Mansur in the way Iqbal interprets him: he too claims, in
the Falak-i mushtari in the Javidnama, that he had come to bring
resurrection to the spiritually dead, and had therefore to suffer).
But when Husayn b. ‘Ali drew the sword, the sword of Allah, he shed
the blood of those who are occupied with, and interested in, things
other than God; graphically, the word la, the beginning of the
shahada, resembles the form of a sword (preferably a two-edged sword,
like Dhu’l-fiqar), and this sword does away with everything that is
an object of worship besides God. It is the prophetic ‘No’ to
anything that might be seen beside the Lord. By using the sword
of ‘No’, Husayn, by his martyrdom, wrote the letters ‘but God’ (illa
Allah) in the desert, and thus wrote the title of the script by which
the Muslims find salvation.
It is from Husayn, says Iqbal, that we have learned the mysteries of
the Qur’an, and when the glory of Syria and Baghdad and the marvels
of Granada may be forgotten, yet, the strings of the instrument of
the Muslims still resound with Husayn’s melody, and faith remains
fresh thanks to his call to prayer.
Husayn thus incorporates all the ideals which a true Muslim should
possess, as Iqbal draws his picture: bravery and manliness, and, more
than anything else, the dedication to the acknowledgement of God’s
absolute Unity; not in the sense of becoming united with Him in fana
as the Sufi poets had sung, but, rather, as the herald who by his
shahada, by his martyrdom, is not only a shahid, a martyr, but at the
same time a witness, a shahid, for the unity of God, and thus the
model for all generations of Muslims.
It is true, as Iqbal states, that the strings of the Muslims’
instruments still resound with his name, and we may close with the
last verse of the chapter devoted to him in the Rumuz-i bekhudi:
O zephir, O messenger of those who are far away
Bring our tears to his pure dust.